New Shun 1730

Under this situation, it was roughly determined that even if there were several times more students, let alone a few hundred, it would not be a big deal.

Once the canal was abolished and the salt industry was changed, Yangzhou could make trouble or not, but the emperor did not care, otherwise he would not have assigned troops to Liu Yu.

After all, Yangzhou after the canal was abolished was still Yangzhou, but for Dashun, whose capital was in Beijing, it was no longer the Yangzhou that was afraid of melting in the mouth and something going wrong.

It was mainly for the court to look good.

Now that the day of the final trial was getting closer and closer, Lin Min was not nervous in his heart, but was just thinking about what to do after this matter.

The few trusted staff around him were also told by Liu Yu and Lin Min on how to make the court okay in this matter.

Regarding the fact that these students were involved in politics, Lin Min's trusted staff also believed that this was "sounding but not righteous".

However, their perspective on the problem was different from that of Liu Yu's faction.

Regarding Liu Yu's suggestion that Lin Min hold up the banner of benevolence and righteousness to oppose benevolence and righteousness, these staff members felt that although it could solve the problem temporarily, it might leave serious sequelae.

They analyzed the matter from the perspective of Lin Min, the governor of Jiangsu. Now it's okay. Everyone knows that Lin Min is Liu Yu's second assistant, who is here to calm Liu Yu down a little, fearing that Liu Yu will do things too roughly and cause a big trouble.

If this matter is done well and many problems in Jiangsu are solved, it is obvious that Lin Min will have the opportunity to enter the decision-making circle of the court in the future.

Jiangsu, as a pilot of the Dashun reform, the emperor sent Lin Min to be Liu Yu's second assistant, in fact, he hoped that the traditional imperial examination faction would experience this radical reform in person, and then find a balance, summarize the many problems in the reform, and see if tradition and innovation can be integrated to a certain extent.

Otherwise, it would be meaningless to be this second assistant, because it is obvious that Lin Min is not here to monitor Liu Yu.

Lin Min's trusted staff decided to talk to Lin Min about what the biggest problem in Jiangsu would be in the future.

In other words, after the student disturbance was resolved this time, was it a temporary solution or a permanent solution, and only temporarily suppressed the bigger contradiction.

"Sir, it is normal for the student to stir up trouble."

"In the past, Gu Tinglin said: Those who go in and out of the government to disrupt the government's policies are students; those who rely on power to arbitrarily rule in the village are students; those who are related to the clerks and historians, and even those who are clerks and historians themselves, are students; those who rise up and make a fuss when the government offends their wishes are students; those who control the government's secret affairs and trade with them are students."

"The former make noise, the latter join in; the former run, the latter follow; the superiors want to control them but cannot control them "If you want to root them out, you can't."

"If you have a little knowledge, you will say it is killing scholars and burying Confucian scholars."

"The student problem is already a long-standing problem that is difficult to solve. If you touch them a little, they will say it is killing scholars and burying Confucian scholars."

"And Emperor Taizong of this dynasty also left instructions not to make it a sad situation where all the horses are silent, not to let the atmosphere be gloomy, and to let the Confucian scholars still have vitality."

"As a result, the affairs of forming associations and discussing politics are no worse than those of the previous dynasties. "

"Gu Tinglin "At that time, there were no less than 500,000 or 600,000 students in the country. And how many of them could pass the imperial examination?"

"There are more students in this dynasty, but even fewer can become officials."

"There are 600,000 or 700,000 students in the country. They have status and position, but they cannot pass the imperial examination or be awarded the title of Jinshi. If they don't become hooligans and stir up trouble among the people, what else can they do?"

"In the first year of Longqing in the previous dynasty, Li Youzi was the prefect of Changzhou. Because of the issue of the Tongsheng examination, he was almost beaten to death by the students of the five counties of Changzhou Prefecture. They tore up his official hat, The hood of the car was smashed. The prefect of a prefecture was so embarrassed, so you can see how the students are in the countryside. "

"Therefore, Yangzhou is a small matter, and the students are a big matter."

"I think that since you and Jiangsu are the vice-presidents of the Duke, you can follow your orders in matters such as salt, industry and commerce, and taxes, and the credit should go to the Duke of Xingguo."

"Only in the matter of the students, you should have a plan to deal with it, so that you can achieve success and live up to your Majesty's expectations."

The words of the confidant and the staff made sense, and Lin Min agreed with them.

Now the situation in Jiangsu can no longer be changed. The emperor made up his mind to reform Jiangsu, and before leaving, he specially summoned Lin Min to explain that the reform in Jiangsu was related to the Yellow River disaster, etc. Lin Min actually had a number in his mind.

But the credit for these reforms is definitely not him, and he is not the real promoter of the reforms.

He even thought that if he really followed the salt administration reform plan he had envisioned, it would be like what Liu Yu said, at most ten years, and it would be a reincarnation, hereditary assets, and then hoarding tickets, with no essential difference.

The staff meant that Lin Min must have contributed to the reform of Jiangsu, and the emperor would remember him and would most likely reuse him in the future.

But the first credit for these reforms in industry, commerce, taxation, and salt law was not Lin Min's.

If Lin Min wanted to really do something that would make the emperor feel that he was truly capable, he had to focus on issues other than industry, commerce, taxation, and salt law.

It was a problem that Liu Yu could only use rough means and could not solve.

That was the problem of 670,000 students nationwide that was derived from Jiangsu.

It was not that the student problem must be reformed, but the emperor changed the reign to Weixin, which clearly showed that he wanted to continue to tossing before his death, at least to solve some of the problems left over from before, and to do more while the prosperous times were in place, so as not to leave some difficult problems to his descendants.

It’s not that whoever doesn’t reform will step down.

But Lin Min knew in his heart that he was pushed to Jiangsu and became a governor. His achievements are obvious. It is clear that he will have his own contributions in the future if he follows Liu Yu.

Then, if the governor moves up, he will have the opportunity to enter the decision-making circle.

As an official, who doesn’t want to climb to a higher position?

First of all, the credit for Liu Yu’s reforms belongs to Liu Yu.

Then, how can he demonstrate his ability and keep the emperor’s favor?

Secondly, if he climbs into the decision-making circle and wants to get to the level of Pingzhang Junguoshi, can he promote some less radical reforms in the country that are not only applicable to the special situation of Jiangsu, can be implemented nationwide, and have basic solutions in Jiangsu practice?

He does not agree with many of Liu Yu’s reform methods, nor does he think that these reforms in Jiangsu can be promoted nationwide.

However, this does not mean that he, a reformer, does not want to carry out the patchwork reforms that Liu Yu said within the framework of the traditional dynasty.

In Lin Min's opinion, Jiangsu-style radical reforms, coupled with the emperor's secret promise, would stop here.

Then, should we not do reforms that are not so radical, bizarre, and unconventional in other places?

This is ultimately because of his identity as a "reformist".

Although he had long said and clearly stated that his reformist and Liu Yu's reform directions were not the same at all.

But after being pushed to this point by the emperor, this label could no longer be removed.

If he wanted to stick to the rules, why would the emperor use someone labeled a reformist in the future?

There are so many people who do not move, do not make trouble, and can maintain, and he himself is just like everyone else.

The staff chose a direction for him, saying that perhaps he could accumulate some experience and solve the student problem.

This is a good direction, or it may not be a good direction.

It is good because many great scholars in the world are quite troubled by this problem and think it should be changed.

Although they themselves are also beneficiaries of the interests, they do not deny that the problem of students is already very serious.

When Dashun was just founded, there was an urgent need for talents, which was easy to deal with.

As the situation stabilized, the problem became more and more troublesome.

There are 670,000 students in the country, and the provincial examination is held every three years. Only 3,000 to 5,000 people are admitted nationwide? Even fewer can become Jinshi.

Officials, unless they have committed a crime, generally speaking, must live longer than ordinary people.

How can there be so many vacancies for officials?

The system is such a system.

It is difficult to pass the examination for Juren, and even if you pass the examination, you may not be able to survive to become an official, and there are a lot of scholars below.

Anyway, there is no age limit for the examination, and the family has money, year after year.

Students are scholars, they have their own circles, their own interests, and some preferential treatment from the court.

There are a lot of chaos in the local area.

There are gangsters, local political interest groups, beating county magistrates, boycotting examinations and school, etc., which are endless.

Many people have seen the problem and hope for reform. Even though many people are vested interests, they still stand on the perspective of the country, the country, and the world and think that reform is necessary.

Moral support is definitely fine.

But if it is said to be a bad direction, it will not be a good change and it is easy to cause a big incident.

Didn't the Song Dynasty have a failed student who went to Xixia to do something big?

Moreover, such reforms will definitely involve a series of issues such as land, preferential treatment, taxation, examination admission, school system, etc.

It will definitely offend people, and offend many people, and may even cause a big incident and be pulled down in the court.

There are both advantages and disadvantages.

This is also a historical legacy.

It belongs to the idealized rural autonomy and rural sage education political concept at the beginning of the founding of the Ming Dynasty, which is incompatible with the influx of silver, the development of industry and commerce, and the surge in population.

Under the idealized rural autonomy, rural sage education, and the curbing of industry and commerce, giving students a certain degree of preferential treatment is equivalent to giving them wages and letting them work at the grassroots level.

However, the times are changing, and this set of things is definitely not working now.

Then, we have to design a new set of things to adapt to the development of the times.

Obviously, Liu Yu's extremely radical reforms, in the eyes of traditional scholars, may be okay in one province, but it will definitely explode if it is promoted to the whole country.

Then, Lin Min has to consider whether he has the ability to design a traditional but brand-new system for Dashun based on the various problems that have arisen in the Jiangsu reform?

If you can't design the entire system, or don't dare to make such a big fuss.

Then, is there any way to just slightly solve the problem of students?

Those famous thinkers in the late Ming Dynasty were very good at finding problems. But after finding the problem, the solutions they gave can only be said to be difficult to describe.

After Gu Yanwu discovered the problem of students, the solution he proposed was to reduce the number of scholars, with only two or three quotas in a county, and then implement the law of opening and selecting.

If this change is made, the old problem will be solved, but new problems will definitely arise again.

Moreover, I am afraid that it will be more serious than the current problem.

After considering the advice of his staff on his "future", Lin Min asked, "What do you think of the Duke of Xingguo's request that I use benevolence and righteousness to control benevolence and righteousness?"

These trusted staff members must have their own opinions on this, so they said: "I think that the Duke's move is the same as the demoting of Duke Yansheng to a marquis when the dynasty was founded."

"The intention is to humiliate."

"It is to expose these people's thoughts in public. They are called benevolent and righteous, and they are called the people, but in fact they are for themselves."

"But...but this method is not very meaningful."

Lin Min smiled and said: "The meaning in his eyes is different from the meaning in your eyes and mine. Some things he thinks are of great significance, but I think they are meaningless; some things I think are of great significance, but he thinks they are just repairs."

"However, today we will not talk about how Duke Xingguo views this matter. Let's just say that from your and my point of view, this matter is meaningless?"

The staff member nodded and said: "That's right. Duke Xingguo did this, and I am great I can understand a little bit. But from the perspective of adults, it really doesn't make much sense. "

"Even if we don't humiliate them, and don't expose their faces of being righteous in the name of benevolence and righteousness, but actually profiting from salt merchants, with the methods and habits of the Duke of Xingguo, will there really be no reform? "

Lin Min smiled and said, "Of course it's impossible. Even if these people make trouble again, with his temper, he will most likely suppress them directly with the army. "

The staff member said again: "So, I said, doing this is actually a bit similar to what was done at the beginning of this dynasty, but it has no meaning at all. "

"Yan Xizhai said that after the Confucian scholars of the Song Dynasty, all Confucian scholars were yin people, feminized, and demasculine. "

"The Master said: Only women and villains are difficult to raise. If you get close to them, they will be disrespectful, and if you keep them away, they will complain. Therefore, if you want to make women fall in love, you must use some means. "