Soviet Union 1991

Dobrynin, the Soviet envoy to Germany, was the first card played by Yanaev. He needed to know the attitude of the German Democratic Renaissance Party towards the Soviet Union. A direct friendly and peaceful visit would not allow the Soviet Union to come to a real answer. It was necessary to test the other party on certain issues before reaching a conclusion.

This kind of thing must be undertaken by someone with rich diplomatic experience. Dobrynin, who had decades of experience as the Soviet ambassador to the United States, naturally became Yanaev's best choice.

Dobrynin, who served as Yanaev's special diplomatic adviser, had a sense of mission to shoulder a heavy responsibility. Not only did the order come from the Kremlin, but it also reminded Dobrynin of the meeting between Molotov and Hitler in 1940. Even if he judged the other party's intention to start a war, he did not grasp the exact time, which led to strategic mistakes.

However, Krenz's tactics were more sophisticated. He cleverly used the contradictions between the United States and the Soviet Union to cause the wolf pack effect. The Kremlin wanted to know what steps the other party was going to take.

In the fourth week after the election, Berlin, which had gradually calmed down, ushered in a new round of unrest.

It was the end of winter, and the sky was a gloomy blue through the dry branches, which looked pale and weak with the white snow that had not yet dispersed. The gloom accumulated in the sky had dissipated, but people's faces did not show a look of relief. Instead, they became more solemn.

The last ray of afterglow before falling into darkness.

A more terrible snowstorm was approaching.

The platform and passage of Berlin Railway Station had been under martial law. The Mercedes-Benz bridge car of the state guest fleet was parked outside waiting for guests from Berlin. There was also a group of high-ranking political figures in suits. In addition to the German Foreign Minister, there was another high-ranking figure, the Speaker of the Parliament, Jonishkis.

According to Krenz's arrangement, they were here to welcome Primakov, a special guest.

After the special train entered the station, the black window blocked Jonishkis's sight. When the train stopped, a group of people came out of the carriage. Following closely behind an attendant. He was not tall or fat, with a typical Slav face, and looked gentle and refined.

Dobrynin slowly approached Jonishkis, and his light gray suit made him look more like a gentle university professor. But everyone who had dealt with him knew that the person who could look down on and balance the situation between the United States and the Soviet Union for so many years was not a simple character.

That plain face felt colder than the snow in Berlin in winter.

Putting aside these unrealistic ideas, Jonishkis stepped forward, stretched out his hand to him, and said friendly, "Hello, Mr. Dobrynin. I am Jonishkis, the Speaker of the Parliament."

Dobrynin was stunned for a moment, and did not immediately stretch out his hand. He nodded to Jonishkis, which was considered a greeting.

This scene was a bit embarrassing, but Dobrynin said with a little sarcasm as soon as he came up, "I didn't expect that even the Speaker of the Parliament would come. What is Germany doing? Is it guilty of what it has done?"

Jonishkis frowned. After all, he was a soldier, and he felt a little unhappy about Dobrynin's sarcasm. The foreign minister standing on the side was stunned for a moment. Seeing that the situation was not good, he was worried that Jonishkis would ruin the situation, so he added a sentence at the right time.

"No, you misunderstood. This is to repeat the respect for the cooperative relationship between the Soviet Union and Germany. After all, we are allies of the united front. Isn't it?"

After emphasizing the relationship of allies in the united front, the other party naturally could not say anything excessive.

Looking at the foreign minister's smiling and calm answer, Dobrynin nodded and said nothing. The foreign minister and the speaker of the parliament were not the focus, so he showed a lukewarm attitude towards the other party's boasting. He was concerned about the talks with Krenz and how he would react when he raised the questions that Yanaev had explained.

Now he can still show a calm appearance, but when the true colors are revealed, the Soviet Union will not show mercy because of class friendship. Krenz's reaction will determine Yanaev's next move.

Whether to destroy Krenz or the entire German Democratic Renaissance Party, the Soviet Union still has another chess piece hidden in the top of the German cabinet.

After receiving Dobrynin, the destination of the state guest motorcade was the German Chancellery.

Along the way, Jonishkis expressed his views on Soviet-German friendship to Dobrynin, and even about the follow-up of the policy of dividing Eastern Europe, such as integrating the alliance formed by Germany and Central European countries such as Poland and the axis formed by the Soviet Union and Eastern European countries, turning Eastern Europe into a fat sheep that can be controlled by both sides using oil, economy, resources, etc.

"I can guarantee that the Soviet Union and Germany are the most correct approach. If you choose others, then this is Moscow's loss. I hope that the two sides will not have a rupture in relations because of some rumors."

Despite trying hard to change the subject, Dobrynin disagreed with Jonishkis's statement. He asked the other party directly, "By the way, do you still remember the Federal Republic of Germany's Hallstein foreign policy?"

Jonishkis looked at the other party strangely.

The Hallstein Doctrine was formulated by Walter Hallstein, the Federal State Secretary of the Federal Republic of Germany. He claimed that the government of the Federal Republic of Germany alone represented the whole of Germany, did not recognize the German Democratic Republic, and would not establish or maintain diplomatic relations with any country that had established diplomatic relations with the German Democratic Republic, except for the Soviet Union, which was one of the four victorious powers and was responsible for the unification of Germany.

"Of course, I will not forget that difficult period for Germany."

Jonishkis heard Dobrynin's tone change, but he didn't know what he was going to do.

Dobrynin took off his glasses and said to himself, "The essence of Hallsteinism is that the Federal Republic of Germany represents the entire Germany and does not recognize the Democratic Republic of Germany at that time. Therefore, it cannot establish or maintain diplomatic relations with any country that has diplomatic relations with East Germany." . Hallsteinism is also the core of the foreign policy of your Adenauer government, but embarrassing facts later showed that the implementation of Hallsteinism can only constrain the Federal Republic of Germany's own diplomatic activities, but instead isolate itself? "

Jonishkis didn't know what to reply for a moment, so he could only say "Yeah."

"What followed was the era of the New Eastern Policy. The later Brandt government actively implemented the New Eastern Policy to improve the relationship between the Democratic Republic of Germany and the Federal Republic of Germany. In 1972, you signed the "Treaty on the Basis of Relations between the Two Countries" with the purpose of achieving Normalization of relations between countries and the rest of Eastern Europe. relations with other countries, and then established diplomatic relations with Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Bulgaria and other countries in December 1973, easing the cold relations between Germany and Eastern European countries, and successfully took advantage of Germany's rapid economic development. Winning over most of the countries at that time.”

The higher the praise, the worse the fall. Dobrynin likes to speak first and then suppress.

"But what now?"

The Soviet envoy raised his head, and the counterattack finally began. He criticized the German Democratic Renaissance Party's renegade one by one.

"Isn't what Germany is doing to Eastern European countries returning to the era of Hallsteinism from the New Eastern Policy? You are trying every means to block Eastern European countries, plunder Eastern European countries, and treat them as subsidiaries of German market dumping, Romania, the Czech Republic When the country's manufacturing industry collapsed, the unemployed people had to go to Europe to wash dishes and wash toilets. No wonder you readily agreed to the carve-up policy when it was proposed. ”

Jonishkis looked a little unnatural. After Krenz came to power, he did abandon some established foreign policies and turned to more radical methods, such as plundering the origin of materials, in order to ensure that Western European capitalists can smoothly control the market. , the dirty insider story of directly monopolizing a certain industry has not happened before.

Germany's economic problems determine that Eastern European countries will not have a good life after the right wing comes to power. The New Eastern Policy became something of a radical approach mixed with Hallsteinism.

Finally, he added an insinuation, "With a policy like this, it is difficult for us to guarantee that you will not resort to some dark means when the Soviet Union deals with Eastern European issues. For example, the US Secretary of State's visit to Eastern Europe, for example, Is this a coincidence?"

After finishing speaking, Dobrynin looked at the pale opponent very calmly, with a harmless smile on his face.

"You think so?" (To be continued.)