Soviet Union 1991

First update

The coffee in front of August had gone cold, but the conversation between the two sides was slowly heating up. There was no doubt that the shock brought to him by this stranger had just begun.

August took out a document from his briefcase and placed it in front of Voinea. He pushed the glasses on his nose and replied with a smile, "Now you need a professional team to advise you, Councillor Voinea. You have no chance to win over your opponent alone, and we are good at operating teams in this area. First of all, your first opponent in the party is your former good friend, Chairman Iescu."

Voinea stopped holding the cup, and put the coffee close to his mouth back on the table. When he heard that August was going to take advantage of Iescu, his heart still skipped a beat, and he asked with a guilty conscience, "But Iescu is my comrade-in-arms."

The atmosphere became a little subtle, and the subsequent negotiations seemed to have reached a bottleneck. August wanted to make a breakthrough in this regard, but Voinea kept avoiding the problem.

"The key lies in you, Councillor Voinea. Do you want to stay in this office for the rest of your life and never have a chance to come forward?".

Some things are not convenient to say, and August can only stop there. "If I am not mistaken, when you tried Ceausescu, you hastily shot him for other reasons, right?".

When he looked at August again, the other party's eyes were a little evasive. He knew that there must be other secrets behind it, but August did not intend to point them out directly here. The activities behind the National Salvation Front Committee are no less secret than Ceausescu's. At least the rumor of 400 million US dollars came from their mouths, and the massacre was also a false illusion. Whether the members of the National Salvation Committee behind the scenes had the intention of moving the national treasury, there was no evidence after Ceausescu was shot.

Politics is based on interests. The dirty means used to deal with Ceausescu can also be used against Iescu in reverse. Sooner or later, you will have to pay for what you have done.

"We can now fabricate all kinds of 'truths' and 'evidence' to discredit and slander Chairman Iescu. If the $400 million is fabricated, we can do the same. We only need to show the people what we want them to see. For example, the unfavorable rumors against Chairman Iescu, forcing him to resign from the Romanian Democratic Socialist Party, and then supporting you to take office. This is not very difficult for us."

August said this lightly, as if he was talking about an insignificant matter. But Voinea, who was sitting opposite him, was a little uncomfortable. Their plan was no longer as simple as making political donations to parliamentarians. It was linked step by step, and it was clearly the rhythm of a coup!

The Kremlin originally called the series of actions to instigate Romanian senior officials the House of Cards Plan.

Agree or refuse? This became the biggest problem in Voinea's mind. He didn't want to know who was behind this man named August for the time being, otherwise it would be difficult to get rid of it once he was involved.

Even though he knew it was a dangerous signal, Voinea still planned to take a risk. If he succeeded, he would be the president of Romania. People can never stop the temptation of power, which has been proven thousands of years ago. Otherwise, Machiavelli's works would not be sought after until today.

Voinea now is like a person who does not want to take any risks but is eager to get huge returns.

So he did not say much, and August was the one who talked all the time.

August realized that the other party had not accepted his new ally for a while, and as a politician, Voinea still chose to remain silent out of vigilance.

Voinea did not speak, but he could not stop. The other party was testing him, and at the same time, he was thinking about whether there was any interest worth participating in.

"It is indeed a difficult old fox to deal with. There is no free lunch in the world."

August cursed the other party secretly, and decided to throw out the political blueprint prepared for him in advance.

"We need to have a perfect promise to improve people's living standards, improve the investment environment, eliminate corruption, and at the same time insist on restoring the values ​​of Romanians so that people can live with more dignity. This is the basis of our opposition to the ruling party. They advocate marketization and privatization, and we advocate that the government should guarantee the interests of the people."

Actually, what August said was based on the content and improvement plan pointed out in the program of the Social Democratic Party in 2000 in response to the ruling situation of the Democratic Agreement Council. Brutal capitalism has bred many problems such as the expansion of the underground economy, fraudulent privatization, speculation and the loss of state-owned assets. Infringement, violation of the law and corruption have made the public feel insecure and thus affected their trust in the democratic system. The Social Democratic Party promised the people to solve these problems and bring real hope to Romania's future.

Yanaev added some things that are in line with the times to the original program, such as the issue of Muslin. The Catholic lower-class Romanian people are determined to resist this group of robbers from the Middle East, especially when the EU included the acceptance of refugees as one of the thresholds, Romania shouted that it would rather not join the EU than accept any refugees. It simply brought the anti-Islamic spirit of the Piercing Duke to the extreme.

So he also incorporated anti-Islam into the script.

With such an incendiary platform, Isescu was successfully elected President of Romania in the 2000 general election. But this time Yanayev planned to use this thing to incite people to rebel. History always likes to make some black humor jokes.

"You only get one chance, once you miss it, you never get another chance."

"If you agree to cooperate with us, remember to give us a call."

August put his business card on the table. Having said all he needed to say, he stood up and walked out of the door. He is not in a hurry, this is just the first step of the entire huge plan. It doesn't matter if Voinea is unwilling to cooperate with him, the KGB will mercilessly remove him as an abandoned child.

Before leaving, August paused at the door. He turned his head and said to Voinea behind him, who had not yet recovered, "We will make you the hero of Romania, the real savior."

"It seems that instigating rebellion against Voinea is easier than we thought, General Secretary Yanayev."

Kryuchkov took the information fed back from Bucharest and placed it on Yanayev's desk. He said confidently, "Since Voinea did not reject us immediately, it means that we can find a breakthrough in him and then carry out a conspiracy to subvert the country."

After Yanayev read the documents delivered by Kryuchkov, he took off his glasses and rubbed his eyes. He raised his head and said to the KGB chairman in front of him, "But this tough battle has not officially begun yet, so we should be more cautious next time."

"Yes."

Kryuchkov nodded, "Our next goal is to get rid of Isescu, and then deny the legitimacy of Constantinescu's election this year, so that the drama of street politics can take place."

Yanayev waved his hand, signaling Kryuchkov to listen to him first.

"Voinea still needs to be repackaged. He must propose policies that will have great appeal to the people."

While Isescu and his think tanks have not yet perfected the policies of the Social Democratic Party, Yanayev must take the lead in packaging Voinea, “The progressive reform measures of the Social Democratic Party are attractive to the broad masses of the people. The Social Democratic Party adheres to the principle of state intervention in the economy and requires the adoption of a steady and gradual economic transformation strategy to minimize the risks of transformation. Social pain. This assertion fits the complex mentality of most Romanians who are both afraid of change and hope for change. The fear of change is mainly the fear of losing their existing status or jobs due to change, while the hope of change reflects the people's expectation of a different kind. With the emergence of new things in the Ceausescu era, gradual reforms became a compromise choice for Romanians.”

Kryuchkov, who originally didn't care much, changed his expression slightly when he heard Yanayev's words. No one in the KGB could raise a complete policy issue, but Yanayev solved it in a few words.

He said with some excitement, "General Secretary Yanayev, I think this idea is very novel. All countries are supporting comprehensive market economic transformation, and they have not considered what kind of impact this turmoil will have on social classes in the future. Influence."

"My policies are aimed at the people at the bottom of society, not the small group of people at the top of the pyramid. Because those people have never considered how painful the evaporation of wealth caused by drastic reforms and rough market transformation will be for the people at the bottom. The high-ranking politicians have not really considered the feelings of the people.”

In 1991, Romania was the only country in Eastern Europe where more than half of the people believed that the market economy was wrong. Although about 73% of Romanians later chose to support a free market economy, the economic recession and the impact of the transformation process People's disillusionment with politics has led them to once again turn to support **. As late as 1997, most Romanians believed that the state must set prices and keep everyone employed.

Yanayev chose the Social Democratic Party because the opposition was weak at the beginning of his transition. After the political upheaval, the Social Democratic Party inherited the financial resources of the former Romanian government, which not only improved its ability to adapt to the new ideology, but also greatly enhanced the possibility of electoral success.

He has compared it with other political parties before, such as the National Peasant Party, the National Liberal Party, etc., but Yanayev believes that it is difficult for other political parties to compete with the National Salvation Front and later the Democratic National Salvation Front and the Social Democratic Party in terms of organizational strength. Compete with each other. The Social Democratic Party uses its own media resources to guide people's voting preferences. The Social Democratic Party supports freedom of speech, politics and beliefs, freedom and the protection of Romanian minorities. Of course, this does not include immigrants from Musselin.

"Article 51 of the 1990 Election Law stipulates that during the election campaign, political parties can freely use media such as television and radio. However, the ruling party undoubtedly has a natural advantage in the effective use of media resources. In the early 1990s, the country The Romanian TV station is the only one that covers the whole country. Especially in rural areas, private TV stations are not allowed to be established. For those who lack education and live in poverty, the national TV station has become the only channel for them to obtain information. Until now, the Romanian national TV station still occupies the same position. Mainstream, so you understand what I mean?"

The results of the elections in 1990 and 1992 are good examples. Most Romanians, especially those in rural areas, voted for the candidates of the Social Democratic Party. The Social Democratic Party used the media resources it controlled to vigorously carry out public opinion propaganda and political communication, providing a good public opinion foundation for the election and coming to power.

"Media." Kryuchkov's eyes lit up, and he finally knew what Yanayev wanted to say.

"You mean to use the media to build momentum for Voinea!"

According to Article 53 of the 1990 Election Law, the government provides subsidies to all political parties participating in the election, and also stipulates that participating parties are not allowed to use foreign donations. This provision prevents the candidates of the National Peasant Party from using their property accumulated abroad in the election, while the Social Democratic Party controls the finances of the former Romanian Communist Party and has a lot of funds for election campaigns.

This puts the biggest competitor of the Social Democratic Party at a disadvantage before the election begins. The original intention of the state subsidy was to avoid bribery and corruption between political parties and their donors and increase the public's trust in political parties, but the result is to encourage the proliferation of political parties. In this way, the opposition party, as a mob, is no match for the Social Democratic Party. It has to be said that the National Salvation Front's move was extremely vicious, which was equivalent to disintegrating most of the potential opponents and consolidating its legal position.

However, the only limitation is that Yanayev's support funds will "legally" fall into Voinea's pocket through tortuous channels.

Yanayev is very optimistic about Voinea's chess piece. "The Social Democratic Party has decisive advantages, whether it is financial foundation, personal connections or social influence, these are not comparable to other political parties."

Because of this, the Romanian Social Democratic Party has been in charge of the Romanian regime for seven years since 2000.

"So what we have to do is to get the pro-Western Es Escula out of power and push Voinea up."

Yanayev couldn't even hold back the excitement in his tone.

"We want to make him a Romanian hero." (To be continued.)

Chapter 781 Romanian Hero: